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1.
What makes this a simulation? The
succession of generations is central to the simulation model: as relatives
marry in early generations, they lay down patterns of relationships that will
define the kinship links of succeeding generations. The historically constructed
network, including its demographic
characteristics (factors such as size and composition of sibling sets, given legal
prohibitions on close blood marriages), affects the likelihood of behaviors in
subsequent generations, e.g., that marriages will be with close kin,
distant kin, or non-kin, or with particular types of blood kin (e.g., marriage
of a man with MoBrDa).
2.
What are the audiences for this paper? For multi-agent simulation modeling, complexity
theory and readers of JASSS,
this approach is complementary to simulations with agent rules and strategies (see
for example Dwight Read's simulations in JASSS1.1) in using permutation-tests
to find evidence for actual strategies and rule governed behavior in empirical case
studies. This approach is concerned with the highly-probable worlds rather than the
possible worlds end of the continuum in simulation modeling.
For sociology (e.g., historical) the arguments
concerning global structures of large-scale cohesive social networks are particularly
relevant to the study of social class formation, elite studies, and the boundary
conditions of large-scale social groupings (Sections 7, 8, 10, 11 cases 1 & 3, 12.1/3,
15, 16-18). For anthropology the identification of local
structures (Sections 13) as well as certain global structures (such as dual
organization, Section 14) is of interest to the study of social structure,
alliance theories, and LÈvi-Straussian or structuralist ideas about kinship,
with the caveat that the historical simulation approach is capable of identifying discrete
epochs in which structural change occurs, and is thus concerned with historical dynamics. For economics, the new institutional
economics recognizes the fundamental importance of norms, and takes "rules" as
equivalent to the institutional framework of individual decision-making.Ý What is still left out in this approach is
the formation of differential structural positions and emergent groups within
the network. It is not just individuals whose actions have consequences. ÝÝÝÝÝÝÝÝÝÝ 3.
Why are social rules seen as problematic? Anthropologists,
economists (e.g., in game theory or rational choice models), and sociologists
pay great attention to social norms and rules, both in terms of what people say
and what they do, which are often discrepant (as may be the case as well with
legal norms vs. actual behavior).Ý
Individual preferences and social "rules," when put into practice, are
subject to real-world constraints, unlike idealized subjective statements of
norms.Ý This study questions the
validity of a common habit of social science studies: to take the raw
frequencies of behavior as the relevant evidence for inferring rules or
preferences.Ý Looking at what people do,
is it even possible, in principle, to find evidence of rules or
preferences?Ý The answer being: yes,
insofar as we take constraints into account, behavior that follows rules or
preferences can be inferred if (1) it departs from what would be expected from
"random" behavior under given similar constraints (in this case not only
demographic but also legal, as when marriage prohibitions are imposed on the
simulation model), and (2) there is empirical evidence supporting the mechanism
by which preferential behaviors are implemented.Ý 4.
What is the relevance of the findings? Research
findings in this field to date have led to two theoretical camps.Ý On one side, studies of social norms are
often derided because of the lack of fit with actual behavior.Ý On the other, studies of actual behavior are
derided as impossibly complex, in favor of subjective norms or rules ("ideal
models").Ý The
research results from the case studies in the present article suggest radically
different resolutions of this impasse.Ý (1)
Taking constraints into account to model the preferential or rule-governed
component shows a much closer fit to normative models than hitherto recognized
in kinship studies and theories of matrimonial alliance. (2)
The relevant "normative rules" or models, however, are rarely those identified by
subjective normative theorists! The
bottom line: both camps are wrong, and a much higher level of social science
modeling is possible.Ý In this approach,
a greater degree of convergence is seen of certain expressed rules or
norms with preferential behavior.Ý
With this kind of triangulation of research results, we are able to come
up with much better models of social or marriage systems than either the
behaviorist or the idealist camps on their own.Ý One of the case studies (of a village in the historical kingdom of
Kandyan - with an emergent dual organization)
also suggests a good fit with legal norms
identified by the historical institutionalist approach, although it will not in
general be the case that written law is sociologically efficacious (but
coherence in institutional case law would be expected to exert itself in
constraints on individual behavior). 5.
Does the approach generalize to other network problems? Many
aspects of this present approach, in a more general context of modeling network
behavior under constraint, are already in use in network studies. Some recent
examples in the domain of friendship networks include: Zeggelink,
Evelyn P.H. 1993. Strangers into Friends: the Evolution of Friendship
Networks Using an Individual Oriented Modeling Approach. Amsterdam: ICS. Moody,
James. 1999. The Structure of Adolescent Relations: Modeling Friendship in
Dynamic Social Settings. Ph.D. Dissertation: Department of Sociology,
University of North Carolina. The
null hypothesis model of "random behavior under known constraints" is important
to network studies and essential to valid statistical inferences about the
components of behavior.Ý 6.
What are the implications and the next steps in this research? The
application of simulation models to the particular problem of population
studies -- kinship and marriage networks in the context of history,
ethnography, elite studies, studies of social class, etc. ñ is currently being
extended to ask questions about "complex system" dynamics and the phenomena of
institutional emergence and change due to network processes and critical
morphological or density thresholds.Ý
These questions require a broader class of probabilistic simulation
modeling involving social and demographic constraints, rules and agents in the
general family of network heterarchy. This research was supported under NSF Grant BCS-9978282. Return
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abstracts 1997-2000 |